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Showing posts with label citizenship. Show all posts
Showing posts with label citizenship. Show all posts

01 April 2016

Socialism and Agency

In the process of a discussion of current presidential candidates, a very old friend of mine asked me how socialism violates agency. It's a good question.

Somewhere in junior high or high school, they introduced socialism, and I thought, "Hey! Cool! This sounds really close to what they described in Sunday School when we talked about the United Order! I wonder if they're the same thing, and the world is going to come around and figure it out?" Since then I have realized just exactly how unlikely it is that the world would "come around to" and figure out or embrace doing things the Lord's way. That's just not the way our culture is going, unfortunately. However, the question of if they are alike, possibly even the same, is an important one: we are bound by Christian Duty to care for one another, and particularly to care for the poor, the widow, and the unfortunate among us, and our hope for salvation is tied, in part, to our care for each other. So nothing in what I'm saying here should be construed to say that we should abandon the poor or anybody else - I am looking only at if socialism is what ought to be done, if it is consistent with scripture and the teaching of the prophets. The question is not if we ought to help, but is socialism how we ought to do it. To try to look at other options for assisting, in addition to examining socialism's place in LDS theology, is simply too much to take on in a single blog post.

In any case, there are a some superficial similarities between socialism and the United Order, particularly in the claims that each system makes: both systems make the elimination of poverty one of their primary goals, but in spite of this they are not the same. The difference between the systems comes, to a great degree, in how they deal with agency. Under the hood they are not only different, but diametrically opposed. It is not enough that we should try to care for each other: we are required to do it in the Lord's way, and no other way is acceptable.

Agency, as well as devotion to Christ, are the elements present in the United Order that are missing in socialism. Devotion to Christ is a necessary prerequisite for the United Order.


The basic principle of all the revelation on the united order is that everything we have belongs to the Lord; therefore, the Lord may call upon us for any and all of the property which we have, because it belongs to Him. This, I repeat, is the basic principle. [Conference Report, October 1942, p. 55]
-Elder J. Reuben Clark, Jr., quoted in The Law of Consecration


Because it is all His, He can call for any or all of it, at any time and for any reason that He chooses, assisting others being one of the things that He has said the United Order exists to do, though that assistance consistently plays second fiddle to the perfecting of the Saints who are living the Order in the talks that I have read. Socialism, on the other hand, is not at all focused on Christ. It is a purely political system, and indeed, historically, socialist regimes have most often been actively hostile to  religion, which is an extremely unlikely way to do away with the evils of greed and selfishness. To try to eliminate evil from society without both eyes firmly focused on Christ just seems contradictory to me.

But the question posed was focused on the relationship of socialism and agency. I think the best way to approach the question is to return to the beginning, and consider the two plans as proposed in the Premortal Counsel, with particular attention to the methods and effects of the plan that was rejected. One of the key features of that rejected plan - and I believe that this feature is what made it so appealing that a full third of the hosts of heaven wanted it adopted - is that he promised that "not one soul should be lost". No risk of failure, no empty seats; everybody wins. It's a powerful enticement. However, it's not the Father's way: this plan promising success to everyone was not only rejected, but those who continued to embrace it after a certain point were cast out for rebellion.

So why is that? Under our Father's plan, not only is there a risk of failure, but the way is variously described as strait, straight, and narrow, and we are told repeatedly that, although nothing can separate us from our Father's love, "few there be that find [the narrow way]". It is not particularly surprising that God's way of doing things seems somewhat counter-intuitive, but we also know that not only did we accept this plan that anticipates that some will fail, but that we were ecstatic about its adoption.

I think the key to understanding this apparent contradiction is in understanding the method by which our Father intends to assist us in coming to our full potential. Agency is key -so much so that it precedes the Atonement, in that the Atonement only becomes necessary under conditions where we have Agency. It is the capacity to act -and not be acted upon- that allows us the growth that is critical to reaching our potential as Sons and Daughters of God, and joint-heirs with Christ. Regarding this potential, Brigham Young said:


"I wish to notice this. We read in the Bible, that there is one glory of the sun, another glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars. In the Book of Doctrine and Covenants, these glories are called telestial, terrestrial, and celestial, which is the highest. These are worlds, different departments, or mansions, in our Father's house. Now those men, or those women, who know no more about the power of God, and the influences of the Holy Spirit, than to be led entirely by another person, suspending their own understanding, and pinning their faith upon another's sleeve, will never be capable of entering into the celestial glory, to be crowned as they anticipate; they will never be capable of becoming Gods. They cannot rule themselves, to say nothing of ruling others, but they must be dictated to in every trifle, like a child. They cannot control themselves in the least, but James, Peter, or somebody else must control them. They never can become Gods, nor be crowned as rulers with glory, immortality, and eternal lives. They never can hold scepters of glory, majesty, and power in the celestial kingdom. Who will? Those who are valiant and inspired with the true independence of heaven, who will go forth boldly in the service of their God, leaving others to do as they please, determined to do right, though all mankind besides should take the opposite course."
-Brigham Young, 20 Feb. 1853, emphasis added, JD 1:309



Brother  Brigham was talking specifically about unthinking deference and obedience to church leaders, but his comment gives great insight into what is necessary for us to reach our full potential - what he calls "the true independence of heaven". This independence, of a necessity, allows the space for people to choose poorly, because only preserving the potential for poor choice can we allow space for the choices that are good and beautiful. Socialism is destructive of Agency because it treats the Sons and Daughters of God as perpetual children, incapable of either providing for themselves, or of demonstrating the necessary virtue to care for their fellow man. It denies that we have the capacity to function under the divinely decreed independent circumstances, and it denies that we have the will to discipline ourselves for our own good or the good of others. It works on the assumption that people will not voluntarily do good, so we must use the power of the State to compel them to do good. This assumption comes directly from our Enemy's plan, rejected from the beginning because of the way it destroys Agency, and with Agency, goes all hope for the growth necessary to reach our potential.

In general, I think that it is good to recall, when we hear of a program that promises to deliver something, even something good, to all without exception, it is very likely that, upon close examination, it will be more in line with Satan's plan than with the Lord's. The only way to guarantee that everybody will succeed is to do away with Agency: otherwise, there will always be those who make uncommon decisions, to both positive and negative effect.

One of the things we touched on as a "for instance" was education. My friend accurately identified our public school system as an example of socialism in America today. He said that it is a place where socialism is serving us well, but I must respectfully disagree. Not only are news articles about poor student performance a dime a dozen, concerns about low reading achievement rampant, there's plenty out there about adults who won't read, and who have a dismal understanding of civics and our Republic is the norm, as is sexually explicit "literature" (surely the opposite of the best books the Lord has commanded we seek learning from), but  to me the most telling is the comparison between what I personally learned as an honors student in high school, and then in two years at UIUC (ranked as a relatively exclusive university), and what 8th graders learned 100 years ago. The 1912 8th grade exit exam left me feeling woefully under-educated. One of the few things the Right and the Left seem able to agree upon is that our schools are failing -- which hardly seems like recommendation for education as a poster child for socialism "working well".

Additionally, when the concept of public schools was introduced, the Brethren were absolutely adamant in their opposition. President Brigham Young, in the 1877 General Conference said this, at once condemning both the principles of socialism and also the specific practice of public education:


“I am opposed to free education as much as I am opposed to taking away property from one man and giving it to another who knows not how to take care of it. .... I now pay the school fees of a number of children who are either orphans or sons and daughters of poor people. But in aiding and blessing the poor I do not believe in allowing my charities to go through the hands of a set of robbers who pocket nine-tenths themselves, and give one-tenth to the poor. Therein is the difference between us; I am for the real act of doing and not saying. Would I encourage free schools by taxation? No! That is not in keeping with the nature of our work..." (Journal of Discourses, vol. 18 p. 357)


The early Brethren actually intended that the Church Education System should be a private school system, and not just the seminaries and institutes that we currently rely on. Brigham Young said in a letter to Karl Maser that "you ought not to teach even the alphabet or the multiplication tables without the Spirit of God", and Elder John Taylor, in a message from the First Presidency (collected here), said:


Our children should be indoctrinated in the principles of the Gospel from their earliest childhood. They should be made familiar with the contents of the Bible, the Book of Mormon and the Book of Doctrine and Covenants. These should be their chief text books, and everything should be done to establish and promote in their hearts genuine faith in God, in His Gospel and its ordinances, and in His works. But under our common school system this is not possible... In no direction can we invest the means God has given us to better advantage than in the training of our children in the principles of righteousness and in laying the foundation in their hearts of that pure faith which is restored to the earth. We would like to see schools of this character, independent of the District School system, started in all places where it is possible. (emphasis added)


Sadly, the Saints at that time did not listen, and would not send their children to the church schools, or, if they did, often failed to pay tuition. But the fact remains: at the time the public schools were introduced, the Brethren opposed both the adoption of the public schools, and also spoke forcefully against the socialistic principles that underlie them, condemning both as being inconsistent with the gospel. In fact, as public schools were proposed across the nation, it was most often the parents and pastors who opposed them. One citizen in Massachusetts put it this way:


A government system of education in Prussia is not inconsistent with the theory of Prussian society, for there all wisdom is supposed to be lodged in the government. But the thing is wholly inadmissible here . . . because, according to our theory, the people are supposed to be wiser than the government. Here, the people do not look to the government for light, for instruction, but the government looks to the people. The people give the law to the government. To entrust, then, the government with the power of determining the education which our children shall receive is entrusting our servant with the power to be our master. This fundamental difference between the two countries, we apprehend, has been overlooked by the board of education and its supporters.
-Orestes Brownson, Testimony against proposed Truancy Laws before the Massachusetts Board of Education, 19th Century


100+ years out from the decision to adopt public schools, we see Agency abridged in a myriad of ways. It is distant and arbitrary government, not individuals and families, that determine when a child starts school, what he will study, and to a very large extent, where he will attend, as well as how long he must stay. Government determines how many hours children must attend, and if they are deemed truant, it is parents that are fined and potentially jailed for it. Parents have a holy trust in their children, yet in the eyes of our socialistic system they are deemed incompetent to determine the most basic aspects of their child's education. In my case, this meant that when I met a midwife who agreed to take me as an apprentice, I couldn't even consider doing it seriously: attendance at the public school was compulsory, and completely and wholly incompatible with the odd hours that newborn babies keep. Not only was my Agency thwarted, but it was done so in a way that had life-altering effects, and that from only a single instance of socialized opposition to Agency!

To the extent that socialism is introduced, our Agency is circumscribed. President McKay and others of the leading Brethren have repeatedly described Agency as the greatest of God's gifts to man, next to life itself. If Agency is a gift that is next to life itself in importance, then we should be as reluctant to do destroy to our neighbor's Agency as we are to destroy his life.

Socialism just isn't up to that standard.

01 December 2015

Commonplace Sampler: November

"Freedom is born of self-discipline. No individual, no nation, can achieve or maintain liberty without self-control. The undisciplined man is slave to his own weaknesses."
-Alan Valentine, quoted by Loren C. Dunn, Freedom of the Press in Our Bicentennial Year


In sudden gusts of temptation, God grant him grace to play the hero, if only through hasty flight; but in what are called besetting sins, there is nothing safe but the contrary besetting good habit. And here is where parents have immense power over the future of their children.
-Charlotte Mason, Formation of Character, p21


Ideas are sparks of truth passed from a great thinker to another mind.
-Colleen Manning, "Toward a Definition of a Living Book"


The Lord will not do for us what we can and should do for ourselves.
-Ezra Taft Benson, Teachings of the Prophets ch. 21


Ours is a gospel of work - purposful, unselfish, and rendered in the spirit of the true love of Christ. Only thus may we grow in godly attributes.
Ezra Taft Benson, Teachings of the Prophets ch. 21


Energetic, purposeful work lends to vigorous health, praiseworthy achievement, a clear conscience, and refreshing sleep. Work has always been a boon to man. May you have a wholesome respect for labor whether with head, heart, or hand. May you ever enjoy the satisfaction of honest toil... You will never wish or dream yourself into heaven. You must pay the prince in toil, in sacrifice, and righteous living.
-Ezra Taft Benson, Teachings of the Prophets ch. 21


"The  world is all grown strange. Elf and Dwarf in company walk in our daily fields; folk speak with the Lady of the Wood and yet live; and the Sword comes back to war that was broken in the long ages ere the fathers of our fathers rode into the Mark! How shall a man judge what to do in such times?"
"As he ever has judged," said Aragorn. "Good and ill have not changed since yesteryear; nor are they one thing among Elves and Dwarves and another among Men. It is a man's part to discern them, as much in the Golden Wood as in his own house."
-The Two Towers, JRR Tolkien, p 49-50



I am restless over the possibility, ever present, that education may fail to achieve a righteous purpose and be perversely used. We have many examples in the world where the misuse of this power has degraded men rather than exalted them... The voice of atheism, of corruption, of faithlessness, of dissention resounds from a thousand platforms. It is subsidized from public funds. It is invited to the forum in public institutions, tolerated by most, and encouraged by many. The voice of faith, on the other hand, is fading. Few places are left where it might speak. -Boyd K. Packer, BYU Speeches of the Year, 29 April 1969, p.3

06 November 2015

On Classical Education: Cultivating Godly Character

classical education for godly character traits

This post is part of a series:

Character is the True Aim
Cultivation of Godly Character (this post)
What is a Student? 
Make Haste Slowly
Much Not Many
Ordered Affections
Repetition is the Mother of Memory
Repetition and the Habit of Attention
Embodied Learning (part 1)
Embodied Learning (part 2)Songs Chants and Jingles
Wonder and Curiosity
Educational Virtues
Contemplation
By Teaching We Learn
Classical Education is Like a Table


What is man, that thou art mindful of him? (Psalm 8:4)

What is man, that thou shouldst magnify him? (Job 7:17)


One need not grope for answers to these penetrating questions ... “Ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation” (1 Pet. 2:9). “Ye … are … a spiritual house, an holy priesthood” (1 Pet. 2:5).
-Thomas S. Monson, April 1988


Our little ones are no less than the Children of God. What education is suitable for God's children? What kind of education awakens and nurtures their divine spark, enabling them to obey the Savior's injunction to be perfect, and grow toward their potential as joint-heirs with Christ?

Given this view of the students, it makes perfect sense that the development of godly character should be the true aim of education. Knowing why provides the motivation, but there still remains the question of how best to go about offering this sort of education to my children. It will not, I think, be merely adding "character" classes to the lineup, alongside the math, history, science, and so on that we are already studying.

So, I began to ask myself, "How does one develop good character, and how can education be a tool in this process?" The first step is to reintroduce God to education.

“[T]he knowledge of God is the principal knowledge, and the chief end of education.
-Charlotte Mason, A Philosophy of Education




"Our children should be indoctrinated in the principles of the Gospel from their earliest childhood. They should be made familiar with the contents of the Bible, the Book of Mormon and the Book of Doctrine and Covenants. These should be their chief text books, and everything should be done to establish and promote in their hearts genuine faith in God, in His Gospel and its ordinances, and in His works."
-Wilford Woodruff (source)


Wherever possible, scripture should be introduced into education. Handwriting practice can include verses from the Standard Works. Memorization of scripture, poetry, and other uplifting materials is appropriate for students of all ages. (The Scripture Memory System has been invaluable in our home for this.) Sacred history can and should be reintegrated into the study of history, and the hand of Providence, so often evident in the history of the world, should be discussed whenever it is noted. Current government school practice has made it the norm to divorce education from faith in any and every way, and to belittle, demean, or simply to ignore (as if He was of no consequence) the role of God in history, science, and all other areas of study. This tendency must be resisted. Doing as Wilford Woodruff suggested, and making scripture the first, chief, and most lasting textbook will go far in moulding our own character as well as that of our children, because it will impress upon us and them who they are, what their potential actually is, as well as cultivating the ability to perceive the active hand of our Father in shaping the fate of men and nations.

[T]he development of character comes only as we focus on who we really are. 
-Russell M. Nelson, Living by Scriptural Guidance

From a foundation of scripture, we then must seek for other ways to help our children grow into men and women of good character - and to help them understand why we are guiding them on this path, so that, when they are grown, they will continue along the same lines. Classical Education has a long history and well-worn paths, proven as effective methods of accomplishing these goals. Andrew Kern, quoted in "Classical Paradigm" said this: 

"Classical Education is the cultivation of wisdom and virtue through meditating on the good, the true, and the beautiful."

So we put the good, the true and the beautiful in front of our children at every opportunity. One way we can do this is through the use of high quality literature. Indeed, in times past, one of the principle reasons for learning Latin and Greek was to be able to meet the great literature of these cultures in its own language. But even without such accomplishment in foreign languages, there is a wealth of high quality literature available. And when we spend time reading it, all kinds of wonderful things happen. We are exposed to ideas that might otherwise be absent from our circle. And we meet personality types we might not otherwise meet as well. This can be a significant assist as we teach and prepare our children for the wider world, beyond the shelter of our home.

I think, with books, I can warn my children against certain character types long before we actually meet any of them without encouraging a judgmental and critical spirit, and without exposing them to personal unhappiness in the process.
Charlotte Mason, in common with many classical educators, suggests reading good books for their moral lessons as well as for their literary value. The better the literary quality, the more likely it is that the reader will gain something of moral value from his reading. Miss Mason thought that children should be put in touch with the great ideas, with information clothed in literary language provided by great minds. Good books - meaning well-written books - contribute good material for moral growth.
-Wendi Capehart, Books Build Character


I am delighted by this idea that we can use these fictional characters to discuss persons and personalities - all without using specific real world examples, so as to avoid pointing out others' flaws (always a hazardous and questionable occupation) or potentially hurting somebody's feelings. How useful! I think we've already done this, to a certain extent, but now I want to watch our stories not only for the good behavior they may inspire, but also for the less desirable behavior to discuss and ponder. It is a whole class of teaching moments that I hadn't fully recognized in both literature and scripture.

"We know that the pillar of Classical Education is classics. ... A classic is a book, or a work of art or music or anything, which you can read or appreciate again and again and again, and get more out of it each time. ... It's particularly apropos for Christian educators, because implies what is the great classic? The Bible. Which you could read an infinite number of times, and get more out of it each time." -Andrew Pudewa, "What Are We Really Doing Here?"

There are, of course, many other areas of character development. Family work - the process of teaching kids to participate in and value work - is also hugely important.

Work builds and refines character, creates beauty, and is the instrument of our service to one another and to God. I don't know that, classically, educators would have had to explicitly include learning to do physical work in the curriculum, but in our day, with so many labor-saving devices, and the overly indulgent attitude towards childrearing  that has become prevalent, I find that it is helpful to specifically include work in our educational routine. And this also serves the ends of a Classical Education:

Work builds and refines character, creates beauty, and is the instrument of our service to one another and to God.
-D. Todd Chirstopherson, Reflections on a Consecrated Life

Including household chores in our routine serves to break up the day, keeping everyone from getting stale from sitting around doing the same thing all the time, it teaches necessary life skills, and is one aspect of how we can teach our children to work hard.

“All true Work is sacred; in all true Work, were it but true hand-labour, there is something of divineness. Labour, wide as the Earth, has its summit in Heaven.”
-Thomas Carlyle, quoted in Reflections on a Consecrated Life

This idea of climbing toward a heavenly summit is really the basis of what happens in a Classical Education. In that process of climbing toward the divine, we are likely to see such fruits as jobs and citizenship, but those things, worthy as they are, are not the end of education in themselves. The education of God's children is much, much more than mere training for a transitory mortal job. It is setting their feet firmly on the path toward their Eternal Home.




01 October 2015

Commonplace Sampler: September

Little, in fact, had either the Vatican or Galileo comprehended just how serious a rival Jupiter and its moons are to Earth and Luna. They are more fairly compared to the entire solar system. We now know that Jupiter comprises two-thirds the mass of all nine planets and it is the biggest of the so-called gas giant planets, a class that also includes Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune. Unlike the inner terrestrial planets - Mercury, Venus, Earth, and Mars - these planets lack solid surfaces. Instead, they are made from the same stuff as stars: hot gas. ...

So, too, many of the Jovian satellites are more like planets than moons. The terrestrial planets only have three moons among them - Luna and Mars' satellites, Phobos and Demos. But the gas giants are surrounded by swarms of smaller bodies. Jupiter has the largest entourage, with eight regular moons and more than 60 so-called irregular moons. These moons are categorically different from teh terrestrial variety: Luna is probably a chip off Earth's block and the Martian moons may be captured asteroids. In contrast, the regular Jovian moons likely condensed from spare material around a proto-Jupiter, much in the same way as the planets coalesced from leftovers swirling near our newborn Sun.
-The Moons of Jupiter, p11


The Asters are the second largest family of flowering plants, surpassed only by the mostly tropical Orchid family. Worldwide, there are about 920 genera and 19,000 species, including 346 genera and 2,687 species in North America. Aside from lettuce (Lactuca), artichoke (Cynara), and endive (Cichorium), surprisingly few genera are cultivated for food.
-Botany in a Day, p 163


You can employ the same techniques. When a student asks a question, be careful lest you answer it! Or more emphatically, be careful lest the teacher answer it. How easy it is for a teacher to respond quickly to simple questions, to close a conversation that might have ignited a sparkling and lively discussion. The wise teacher deftly and pleasantly responds, "That's an interesting question. What does the class think of this?"
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, p 68


God left the world unfinished for man to work his skill upon. He left the electricity in the cloud, the oil in the Earth. He left the rivers unbridged and the forests unfelled and the cities unbuilt. God gives to man the challenge of raw materials, ... not the east of pictures unpainted and the music unsung and the problems unsolved... That man might know the joys and glories of creation.
-Thomas S. Monson, quoted on Facebook


O Lord, rebuke me not in Thine anger, neither chasten me in Thy hot displeasure. Have mercy on me, O Lord; for I am weak: O Lord, heal me; for my bones are vexed. My soul is also sore vexed: but Thou, O Lord, how long? Return, O Lord, deliver my soul: oh save me for thy mercies' sake.
-Psalm 6:1-4


You cannot exercise faith in God until we acknowledge that He exists and we have a correct understanding of His character, nature, and attributes. So the beginning of faith starts in the understanding of Christ.
-David A. Bednar, quoted on Facebook


The vision that you glorify in your mind, the ideal that you enthrone in your heart, this you will build your life by, and this you will become.
-James Allen, quoted by Shiloah Baker in "Training Mother Helpers"


Here [Helaman 6:7-9] we find one of the (extremely) few times peace existed between these two groups [the Nephites and the Lamanites], and the narrator lists for us a few resulting and related benefits. The first product of peace mentioned is open migration between the inhabitants of each distinct civilization. Free intercourse and commerce have special mention, and are corollaries to the unrestricted ability to travel and reside where one pleases. Second, the record notes that this exchange between the individuals of each group yielded increased prosperity for all involved. They became “exceedingly rich” and had “an exceeding plenty”. As with other scripture, this one can and should be likened unto us.
-Conner Boyack, Immigration, Individual Rights, and the Constitution


You’re not self-governing if you can’t rule yourself. Classical education is the means to freedom, the sine qua non of a free people, because it trains people in self-governance, in perceiving and living with the truth.
-Andrew Kern, quoted in "In The Common Core Era, Families Flock To Its Opposite"


More than once I have scolded members of a class just a little when they seemed to ridicule in one way or another a question asked by one of the group. And I have repeated with some emphasis the statement that there is only one stupid question: the one that isn't asked. Every student should have an open invitation to ask questions all of the time.
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, page 74


We make it a consistent practice in our family to respond to the questions of our children, an in doing so, we find that they ask many questions. If parents are not careful, they can dam up the quest for knowledge.
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, page 74


"All those antagonistic questions he asked you; it was just marvelous the way you handled them.  He was so antagonistic and bitter and yet the interview itself was successful."

I have never forgotten his answer. He said, "I never pay any attention to the questions - that is, if the interviewer is antagonistic. If he doesn't ask the right questions, I give answers to the questions he should have asked."
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, p77


There is another important matter we should discuss. A teacher naturally wants everyone to be satisfied and in agreement with him. That is not always to be. Often in the best teaching someone is left unsatisfied, perhaps even upset. Particularly this is true if we have an encounter with someone who is antagonistic. A mature teacher will know from the beginning that when the conversation is over someone will be unsettled and upset. Let it not be the teacher.
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, p83


In many churches of the world a doctrine is taught that holds that men are basically evil; that they are earthy and carnal and devilish, conceived in sin and possessed of a tendency to be wicked. This doctrine holds that the corrupt and evil nature of man must be conqured. It holds out the meager hope that by an extension of grace man may, on occasion, be lifted from his evil, carnal,and groveling state. In simple terms it avers that man is, by his very nature, inclined to be bad.

That is false doctrine. ... The doctrine is not only false, it is very destructive. ...

How glorious it is to have the revealed word of God, to know that we have a child-parent relationship with Him. If we are of His family, we have inherited the tendency to be good; not evil. ... God is our Father. We therefore are inherently good.
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, p88


I am fully aware that in the world there are individuals whose basic motivation seems to be contrary and disruptive and evil. I know this exists, but it is against their nature.
-Boyd K. Packer, Teach Ye Diligently, p89


For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
-Patrick Henry, Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death speech before the Virginia Convention, 1775.


If you have good thoughts they will shine out of your face like sunbeams and you will always look lovely.
-Attributed to Roald Dahl on Facebook


The world is indeed full of peril, and in it there are many dark places; but still there is much that is fair, and though in all lands love is now mingled with grief, it grows perhaps the greater.
-Haldir, Elven guard of Lothlorien, Fellowship of the Ring, p 452


Man's greatest happiness comes from loosing himself for the good of others.
-Attributed to David O. McKay on Facebook.


He understands. He can give pardon and bring peace. THE SPECIALTY OF THE SAVIOR IS MERCY. And He requires that we be specialists in mercy.
-Marion D. Hanks, "My Specialty is Mercy" October Conference 1981

 

07 July 2014

Are We Wise Beneficiaries?



For me, the answer to this question for a very long time was definitely NO. I knew very little about the Constitution. I had no idea if a proposed bill was Constitutionally sound or well in excess of the delegated authority. It really never even occurred to me to ask such questions. And I didn't know how to start learning about it, once I did realize that I needed to. If you find yourself in that position, here are a few places to get started.

1. Read the Constitution, itself. It's a short document. Pay particular attention to Article I Section 8 - that's the list of things that Congress is allowed to make laws about. When you consider supporting a bill, ask yourself: which of these itemized powers does this bill fall under? If you can't figure it out, then the measure probably doesn't belong at the federal level.

2. Read Brother Benson's essay, The Proper Role of Government. As near as I can tell, when he wrote this essay, he was acting as Brother Ezra Benson, private citizen, and not as an apostle. However, he quotes somewhere around 1/3 of the essay in his talk The Constitution -- A Heavenly Banner, which was given just following his call as Prophet of the Church. If you listen to the mp3 version, you will discover that this address, though it was given at BYU, was specifically and explicitly addressed to the entire membership of the Church. While the Role of Government essay is not doctrine, the fact that the prophet, acting in his calling, chose to quote so extensively from it makes me sit up and pay attention to the rest of it.

Those are both relatively short projects to get started with. After that, I recommend reading The 5000 Year Leap, by Cleon Skousen. That will introduce you to the ideas that underlie the Constitution. Skousen did a great job of making some really big ideas very accessible.

04 July 2014

Strict Constitutional Observance



There are two important ideas in this quote.

First, that the Constitution is inspired. This isn't just the opinion of Brother Taylor. It's cannonized scripture, though it's not an often quote couple of verses. When I first began to study liberty, I was quite surprised to find that the Constitution has place in the scriptures, even though I'd been a member all my life, attended Sunday School, completed Seminary, and gone on to Institute where I had learned a ton from a great teacher. But look:


And for this purpose have I established the Constitution of this land, by the hands of wise men whom I raised up unto this very purpose, and redeemed the land by the shedding of blood.
-Doctrine and Covenants 101:80


The Constitution comes to us from the Lord. It is one of His tender mercies, designed to safeguard our agency. The battle for our agency may have began in the pre-earth life, but it rages still today.


The second important idea is that only strict observance of Constitutional law can keep our nation safe. Before we can strictly observe the law, we must know the Constitution. What it actually says. The reasons why the Founders wrote what they wrote in it. We need to educate ourselves, because most of us didn't learn it in school, and we need to educate our children, because they certainly aren't going to learn much, if anything, about Constitutional limits and principles from schools run by a government that observes no limits to its power. If we want to know, we'll have to search out the information for ourselves. We must want freedom enough to inconvenience ourselves in order to learn how to be free.

27 June 2014

A Right To His Own




This one is important, and perhaps the best explanation of this idea's practical implications is this clip from YouTube.




The philosopher Bastiat said it this way:


"Each of us has a natural right – from God – to defend his person, his liberty, and his property. These are the three basic requirements of life, and the preservation of any one of them is completely dependent upon the preservation of the other two. For what are our faculties but the extension of our individuality? And what is property but and extension of our faculties?" (The Law, p.6)


I love the litmus test that Ezra Taft Benson recommended in his essay, The Proper Role of Government:


An important test I use in passing judgment upon an act of government is this: If it were up to me as an individual to punish my neighbor for violating a given law, would it offend my conscience to do so? Since my conscience will never permit me to physically punish my fellow man unless he has done something evil, or unless he has failed to do something which I have a moral right to require of him to do, I will never knowingly authorize my agent, the government to do this on my behalf.

I realize that when I give my consent to the adoption of a law, I specifically instruct the police – the government – to take either the life, liberty, or property of anyone who disobeys that law. Furthermore, I tell them that if anyone resists the enforcement of the law, they are to use any means necessary – yes, even putting the lawbreaker to death or putting him in jail – to overcome such resistance. These are extreme measures but unless laws are enforced, anarchy results.


24 June 2014

Self-Evident Truth




"The Founders wrote in the Declaration of Independence that some truths are self-evident, and one of those is the fact that all men are created equal.

"Yet everyone knows that no two human  beings are equally alike in any respect. They are different when they are born. They plainly exhibit different natural skills. They acquire different  tastes. They develop along different lines.  They vary in physical strength, mental capacity, emotional stability, inherited social status, in their opportunities for self-fulfillment, and in scores of other ways. They how can they be equal?

"The answer is, they can't, except in three ways. They can only be treated as equals in the sight of God, in the sight of the law, and in the protection of their rights. In these three ways, all men are created equal. It is the task of society, as it is with God, to accept people in all their vast array of individual differences, but treat them as equals when it comes to their role as human beings. As members of society, all persons should have their equality guaranteed in two areas. Constitutional writer Clarence Carson describes them:



"First, there is equality before the law. This means that every man's case is tried by the same law governing any particular case. Practically, it means that there are no different laws for different classes and orders of men [as there were in ancient times]. The definition of premeditated murder is the same for the millionaire as for the tramp. A corollary of this is that no classes are created or recognized by law.

"Second, the Declaration refers to an equality of rights... Each man is equally entitled to his life with every other man; each man has an equal title to God-given liberties along with every other."



"John Adams was in France when Jean Jacques Rousseau was teaching that all men were designed to be equal in every way. Adams wrote:



"That all men are born to equal rights is true. Every being has a right to his own, as clear, as moral, as sacred, as any other being has... But to teach that all men are born with equal powers and faculties, to equal influence in society, to equal property and advantages through life, is a gross a fraud, as glaring an imposition on the credulity of the people, as ever was practiced by monks, by Druids, by Brahmins, by priests of the immortal Lama, or by the self-styled philosophers of the French Revolution."



-Cleon Skousen, The Five Thousand Year Leap, page 79-80


21 June 2014

A Summer of Freedom!



Welcome to the Summer of Freedom! My goal is to post something about freedom every couple of days all summer long, and I'm excited! To start with, I wanted to share this quote from Elder Benson. It's a big statement, but one that the Doctrine and Covenants bears out:


According to the laws and constitution of the people, which I have suffered to be established, and should be maintained for the rights and protection of all flesh, according to just and holy principles; That every man may act in doctrine and principle pertaining to futurity, according to the moral agency which I have given unto him, that every man may be accountable for his own sins in the day of judgment. Therefore, it is not right that any man should be in bondage one to another. And for this purpose have I established the Constitution of this land, by the hands of wise men whom I raised up unto this very purpose, and redeemed the land by the shedding of blood.
-Doctrine and Covenants 101:77-80 (emphasis added)


It makes sense to me that when we are evaluating the Constitutionality of measures proposed one of the things we should bear in mind is the way that the measure would affect the agency of the people. If it is not in harmony with the purposes for which the Lord set up the Constitution to serve, then it probably is not a good measure and should be opposed as something that is not in harmony with the principles of the document.

I look forward to looking more closely at the principles that underlie the Constitution over the next few weeks!

05 May 2014

Immigration and the Constitution

Immigration is a messy, messy issue. And it's an issue that causes a whole lot of heartache when families are split. It costs lives down at the southern border, and it touches issues of national security. The question, "What should we do about immigration?" is an important question.

Recently, Brother Uchtdorf, along with several other religious leaders, was invited to the White House to discuss immigration with the President. The Church's newsroom had a write-up on the event that included a statement on the Church's position on immigration, and we got to discussing this in a Facebook group for discussing the Constitution of which I am a member. We quickly decided that the Church's position on immigration doesn't actually say much, and our conversation turned to what the Constitution says about immigration. Knowing exactly what the Constitution says our government should and should not be doing is important:





I had to go re-read the Constitution and find the relevant section:


Article I Section 8:
The Congress shall have the power ... to establish an uniform rule of naturalization;


It is also possible that a treaty would touch on immigration, giving the President, with the consent of the Senate, a possible legitimate say in immigration:


Article II Section 2:
He [the President] shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur;


In the case that the President's treaty powers include matters dealing with immigration, then the Judiciary might also be able to rule on the matter.


Article III Section 2:
The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority;


As far as I have found, in re-reading the document, this is the sum total of the powers delegated, relating to immigration. Not much there. To me, at least at first reading, it looks like while the federal government has the power to determine the naturalization process - the path to citizenship, so to speak - the States retained the power to determine which foreign nationals are permitted to reside in a State. Obviously, that's not the way things are done. But, from just reading the document, that looks to me like the way it ought to be.

In the course of the Facebook conversation, several articles were brought up. This one, for instance, points out that the federal courts have ruled that the federal government has broad powers to regulate immigration, even though it's not specifically granted by the Constitution. I am, however, unimpressed by the federal government's tendency to grant itself broad powers, and, in light of the Tenth Amendment, I find the argument as presented in the essay to be not convincing at all.


Tenth Amendment:
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.



So, what are the power prohibited to the States? That's covered in Article I Section 10, and it's a pretty lengthy list, but power to determine who may reside in State does not appear on the list.


Article I Section 10:
No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing  the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress.

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.


Typically, the Constitution says exactly what it means. It dates from before "legalese" became fashionable, and it was intended that the common citizen should be able to read and understand the law. Therefore, to me, the fact that the power is not expressly delegated says that it belongs to the States (it wouldn't make any sense at all for it to be a power retained by individuals). The Heritage Foundation has a great essay about naturalization, though it really doesn't distinguish between immigration (moving to the US and setting up residence in a State) and naturalization (becoming a citizen). The Heritage Foundation essay also goes into some very interesting commentary on the difference between citizenship as defined by the US, and as defined by other world powers, though that is beyond the scope of what I'm doing this evening. This passage, however, is more relevant:


Few powers are more fundamental to sovereignty than the control over immigration and the vesting of citizenship in aliens (naturalization). According to the Declaration of Independence, "obstructing the Laws for the Naturalization of Foreigners" was one of the grievances that led the American colonists to break with Britain.

Under the Articles of Confederation, each state retained authority over the naturalization of aliens. This resulted in widely varying state practices, which James Madison in The Federalist No. 42 called a "fault" and "defect" of the Confederation. At the Constitutional Convention, there was virtually no opposition to moving the naturalization power from the states to the new national government, and in the ratification debates only a handful of Anti-Federalists even raised the issue. James Madison seemed to speak the sentiment of most when at the Convention he expressed his wish "to invite foreigners of merit & republican principles among us. America was indebted to emigration for her settlement & prosperity."



I will examine more closely precisely what Madison was calling a "fault" and a "defect" in a moment - but it was more complex than that each sovereign nation in the Union was deciding who to naturalize.

Certainly, Congress has power to decide how citizenship is acquired. (Even if they are badly botching the job right now.) Still, I don't see how the Constitution can be construed to mean that the federal government gets to choose who lives in the various States. To me, that looks like a power that is clearly reserved. I think it wise to always give the smallest amount of power possible to the federal government, as they are so distant and unresponsive to the people, even more so than was anticipated in the beginning of our nation.

Having read the document itself, I also want to look at the explanatory commentary collected  Founders' Constitution to see how this was understood in our nation's beginning. It is possible that the language has shifted enough that the differences I am thinking ought to exist were not considered significant 200 years ago.

First of all, at the time of our Independence, immigration was looked upon as a good and necessary thing. So much so that the obstruction of worthy immigrants' migration to the several States was among the grievances listed in the Declaration.


-He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.


The Constitution.net article is flawed in its reasoning:

"There is also an argument that immigration is an implied power of any sovereign nation, and as such, the federal government has the power to regulate immigration because the United States is a sovereign nation."


The problem with this is that there were thirteen nations - the individual States - entering into a Confederacy, a permanent alliance, with each State agreeing to do certain things in a unified manner, but EACH OF THE INDIVIDUAL STATES RETAINED ITS SOVREGENITY. In fact, this misunderstanding of our system of government is, in my opinion, one of the most common there is, and you simply cannot get a correct idea of what our multi-level system of government is supposed to look like if you do not grasp this. One of the charges levied by the Anti-Federalists was that the proposed Constitution would, in essence, create a single nation rather than a confederation of sovereign nations. Alexander Hamilton dealt with this criticism in Federalist #32:


An entire consolidation of the states into one complete national sovereignty, would imply an entire subordination of the parts; and whatever powers might remain in them, would be altogether dependent on the general will. But as the plan of the convention aims only at a partial union or consolidation, the state governments would clearly retain all the rights of sovereignty which they before had, and which were not, by that act, exclusively delegated to the United States.


James Madison addressed the issue of naturalization - though not really that of immigration - in Federalist 42. Rather, it is an explanation of the faults of the Articles of Confederation on the matter, and a brief comment on how this would be improved under the new Constitution:


The dissimilarity in the rules of naturalization, has long been remarked as a fault in our system, and as laying a foundation for intricate and delicate questions. In the 4th article of the confederation, it is declared, "that the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states, and the people of each state, shall in every other, enjoy all the privileges of trade and commerce, &c. There is a confusion of language here, which is remarkable. Why the terms free inhabitants, are used in one part of the article; free citizens in another, and people in another; or what was meant by superadding "to all privileges and immunities of free citizens,"  ... "all the privileges of trade and commerce," cannot easily be determined. It seems to be a construction scarcely avoidable, however, that those who come under the denomination of free inhabitants of a state, although not citizen of such state, are entitled, in every other state, to all the privileges of free citizens of the latter; that is, to greater privileges than they may be entitled to in their own states; so that it may be in the power of a particular state, or rather every state, is laid under a necessity, not only to confer the rights of citizenship in other states, upon any whom it may admit to such rights within itself, but upon any whom it may allow to become inhabitants within its jurisdiction. But were an exposition of the term "inhabitants" to be admitted, which would confine the stipulated privileges to citizens alone, the difficulty is diminished only, not removed. The very improper power would still be retained by each state, of naturalizing aliens in every other state. In one state, residence for  short term confers all the rights of citizenship; in another, qualifications of greater importance are required. An alien, therefore, legally incapacitated for certain rights in the later, may, by previous residence only in the former, elude his incapacity; and thus the law of one state be preposterously rendered paramount to the law of another, within the jurisdiction of the other. (emphasis original)


Madison doesn't directly address the question at hand, but he does deal with it indirectly, so with a bit of logic, we can come closer to our own answer.  Being as distinct from each other as France and Spain are, it is only natural that Pennsylvania and New York, for example, should set their own requirements for who may set up residence within their own boundaries. And in 42, Madison doesn't have any argument with this, only with the current system under the Articles, where incoherent wording has inadvertently lead to a situation where the states themselves are forced into conferring citizenship on people who have not been accepted in the State in which they actually reside. It appears that mere residency had become the standard for conferring citizenship, owing to the defect in the Articles, and of course this would be unacceptable. This passage does, however, lay to rest the idea that they were not making a distinction between foreign citizens allowed to be residents and naturalized citizens, as that distinction is at the heart of what Madison is concerned about.

On to the House debates as they were setting up the Rules of Naturalization, as required by the Constitution. It is very interesting to see what they do - and do not - address in their debates. The Founders' Constitution has about 8 pages of text from House debates on the matter from 3-4 February 1790. In that time, they never once address basic immigration issues such as excluding contagions and criminals. They do not talk about any kind of standard for entering the several States at all. I don't think it's at all reasonable to suppose that they would consider those to be unworthy topics, they simply were not the topic at hand. Their conversation was limited very narrowly to Naturalization, and in several places, they debated if even this narrowly focused work might not be going further than the Constitution allowed. One of the ideas under consideration was if the prospective citizens ought to be required to be a land owner prior to their naturalization, but there were some that felt that this went further than the Constitution allowed:


Mr. White doubted whether the Constitution authorized Congress to say on what terms aliens or citizens should hold lands in the respective States; the power vested by the Constitution in Congress, respecting the subject now before the House, extend to nothing more than making a uniform rule of naturalization. After a person has once become a citizen, the power of Congress ceases to operate upon him; the rights and privileges of citizens in the several States belong tot those States; but a citizen of one State is entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the citizens in the several States. Now, if any State in the Union should choose to prohibit its citizens from the privilege of holding real estates, without a residence of a greater number of years than should be thought proper by this House, they could do it, and no authority of the Government, he apprehended, could enforce an obedience to a regulation not warranted by the Constitution.  .. all, therefore, that the House have to do on this subject, is to confine themselves to an uniform rule of naturalization, and not to a general definition of what constitutes the rights of citizenship in the several States.
-House debates on the Rules of Naturalization, 3-4 Feb. 1790. (The Founders' Constitution 2:563)


At that point, there was no outright disagreement with Mr. White's suggestion that they were overstepping their authority, and the debate backed away from making residency and land requirements for a while, though it did come back to the topic later. However, the members of the house were careful about the Constitution, even as they tried to determine exactly what it did and did not allow, as evidenced by this from Mr. Tucker:


He had no doubt the Government had a right to make the admission to citizenship progressive, the Constitution pointed out something of this kind, by the different ages and terms of residence they annexed to the right of holding as seat in this House and in the Senate, and of being chosen President. No inhabitant can become President of the United States, unless he has been an inhabitant fourteen years; which plainly infers that he might have been  a citizen for other purposes, with a shorter residence But it goes still further, it enables Congress to dictate the terms of citizenship to foreigners, and it prevents them from being admitted to the full exercise of the rights of citizenship by the General Government; because it declares that no other than a natural born citizen, or a citizen at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President.

With respect to their interference with the State Governments, he believed it to be improper; and hoped, therefore, that the bill would be confined solely to the objects of the General Government.
-House debates on the Rules of Naturalization, 3-4 Feb. 1790. (The Founders' Constitution 2:564)


In light of what the Constitution itself says, as well as the words of those early Statesmen as they worked to hammer out the details of the Rules of Naturalization, I have come to a couple of conclusions.

1. Immigration and Naturalization are not the same thing.

2. The Constitution delegates authority to Congress to create a "uniform Rule of Naturalization," but no more. They have no legitimate authority on immigration.

3. Whereas the authority of Congress is so very limited, the States are well within their rights to police their borders, and govern immigration at the State level, regardless of what powers the federal government has since granted itself and attempted to legitimize through Supreme Court rulings. In the end, powers not delegated are still reserved until the Constitution is amended by an authentic act of the People.

4. The overreach in this area is powerful, well-entrenched, and will be very difficult to dislodge. However, I believe that it is still possible to return to a true Constitutionally limited government. IF the People wake up an value freedom more than convenience, ease, and the familiar way things have been done.



*The quote from John Taylor is from "The Mormon," 17 Feb. 1855, as quoted in A Glorious Standard, page 20.

01 January 2014

Liberty and Salvation

It turns out that liberty and salvation are much more closely related than I'd realized.

First, a little background: In 1941, FDR's Department of the Treasury decided to sell bonds to fund US involvement in the war. As part of this effort they contacted a wide variety of private organizations, including unions, professional groups, service organizations, and churches, among them the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, hoping they would urge their members to participate in the "war effort" by buying bonds.

The First Presidency not only turned them down, they boldly condemned both the war and the Administration's New Deal policies, in the strongest of terms. You can read all 18 pages of their letter, plus some eye-opening historical context if you'd like. This bit jumps out:

Used by permission.


There are a couple things I've been mulling over about this in the couple days it's been since LDS Liberty posted it on their page shortly before Christmas. The first thing is the remarkable way the Brethren tied political and eternal salvation together, at least for Americans. This is an intriguing teaching, and as I've pondered it, it's started to come into focus and make a lot of sense to me. 

Agency is so central to the Father's Plan. I think of it as a "ruling principle" of the Heavens. The scriptures teach that separation from God is a death. Poor choice is the reason for the separation, and God has the power to prevent this tragedy. Yet He does not. 

Agency is that important. 

Agency means that when we come to earth, we risk permanent separation should we choose sin. Lucifer offered a risk-free plan, one that guaranteed that nobody would lose. When our Father chose Christ we shouted for joy, in spite of the risk.

Agency is that important.

The Lord, in the Doctrine and Covenants, tells us that He gave us the Constitution -in essence, He takes credit for Authorship - and then He explains why He did it:


That every man may act in doctrine and principle pertaining to futurity, according to the moral agency which I have given unto him, that every man may be accountable for his own sins in the day of judgment. (D&C 101:78


The way I see it, the Constitution is about preserving agency. That is the reason The Lord gives for giving us the Constitution: to preserve our freedom of choice. And He says further that the reason for that is so we'll all be responsible for our own actions (and no one else's) when it's all said and done. That cuts right to the heart of the purpose of life. 

The Constitution is that important. 

So when I think it through, it makes perfect sense for political and eternal salvation to be tied in the writings of the First Presidency, because they are, in fact, very closely related. 

That's cool, but so what? What should we do about it?

This quote is remarkable in that these brethren not only gave us an important gospel truth, but they also tell us about two distinct actions we ought to take:

1. "Return to the practice of the great fundamentals of Christianity."

The Savior summed his teachings up in a similarly succinct manner:


Jesus said unto him, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and great commandment. And the second is like unto it, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.  (Matthew 22:37-39)


 The Founders repeatedly talked about how key to the survival of the Union virtue is, both the Federalists and the Antifederalists. In fact, one of the Antifederalist objections was that the Constitutions renders too little homage to God; the Articles of Confederation had been more appropriately respectful, they said. While there was no nationally established religion, that is, no religion receiving tax support, nearly every single State had a religion or religions that did (and this continued into the 19th Century), and even the Federalists spoke of the importance of religious education and the necessity for virtue in order to maintain freedom. Virtue calls down the blessings of Heaven; both are necessary for establishing and maintaining freedom. The more broad the freedom, the larger the "space" in which to exercise our agency. Virtue, both public and private, is a critical element in maintaining our freedom, and there is nothing quite like the Gospel of Christ for persuading men that the effort of being virtuous is not only a good idea, but actually in their own best interest.

In our home, we use our homeschool education to support and enhance our teachings about the "fundamentals of Christianity." We often stop, when reading about history as well as fictional stories, and discuss who is the good guy, and who is the bad guy. Particularly interesting have been the times where it seems clear that there really wasn't any good guys in that historical episode. How "great" was Alexander the Great? (He more or less invaded the whole world...) We blend secular and spiritual instruction in every topic, even English grammar. We learn sacred and secular history they way they happened; all mixed together. And in doing so, there is some opportunity to point out some aspect of the Gospel in every day. It's what works for us.

2. "Return to the practice of the great fundamentals of ... Constitutional government."

You can't do this unless you know the fundamentals. Not just the fuzzy awareness that the Constitution has "checks and balances" that I left school with, not even just a general familiarity with the words of the document, though that is a good start. To know the fundamentals, you need to know the ideas that moved the inspired men we call the Founders. They set up our government based on a philosophy called Natural Law. Natural Law is not taught in our schools, yet it is the foundation our nation rests upon. The clearest explanation I've found for what it is is in the first chapter of The Thousand Year Leap by Cleon Skousen. (I highly recommend this book and Ezra Taft Benson's essay, The Proper Role of Government as a starting place for learning about good government.) Skousen quotes the Roman statesman Cicero to explain Natural Law:


"Therefore Law [of the Creator] is the distinction between things just and unjust, made in agreement with that primal and most ancient of all things, Nature, and in conformity to Nature's standard are framed with those human laws which inflict punishment upon the wicked and protect the good." (The Thousand Year Leap, p. 39)


Cicero believed that these laws of  Nature's God - Natural Law - could be discovered through the use of our Reason. He reasoned his way, using this philosophy, to the things that Christ summed up so beautifully as the greatest law and the second law: Love God, and love our neighbors. From this foundation our Founders worked to codify our government and protect the Natural Rights, or unalienable rights, that our Father in Heaven has given us.

Understanding this foundation makes the idea of limited government make perfect sense. The old ways conceived of the King as the fountain of rights. If the citizens had privileges, it was at the pleasure of the King, because He was sovereign, and typically ruled through some sort of Divine Right. But the Founders rejected monarchy and despotism, believing the People to be sovereign, and the People's Rights to be of Divine origin. The government is limited because government powers are not natural to them, but they are delegated to them by the People. This is a tremendously important idea! In this kind of government (and it has the specific, scriptural endorsement of the Lord), government can have no power that could not be exercised by an individual. It's an entirely different way of thinking about things. From The Proper Role of Government:


Leaving aside, for a moment, the question of the divine origin of rights, it is obvious that a government is nothing more or less than a relatively small group of citizens who have been hired, in a sense, by the rest of us to perform certain functions and discharge certain responsibilities which have been authorized. It stands to reason that the government itself has no innate power or privilege to do anything. Its only source of authority and power is from the people who have created it. This is made clear in the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States, which reads: "WE THE PEOPLE… do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."

The important thing to keep in mind is that the people who have created their government can give to that government only such powers as they, themselves, have in the first place. Obviously, they cannot give that which they do not possess. So, the question boils down to this. What powers properly belong to each and every person in the absence of and prior to the establishment of any organized governmental form? A hypothetical question? Yes, indeed! But, it is a question which is vital to an understanding of the principles which underlie the proper function of government.


Homeschool, again, plays a big part in our family's plan for what to do about it. We teach early and often about what our government is supposed to be, and what freedom should look like. We look at history and talk about what happens when people are not free. We relate things to the teachings of King Mosiah as he set up the Judges, and to other scripture stories. These are things that even a child can begin to understand, though it does take some effort to re-educate ourselves to see past the flimsy propagandized version of things that my husband and I were taught in the public schools. It is, however, well worth the effort.

It makes a great deal of sense that, at least in America, political and eternal salvation should be related to each other, because they are both so closely related to agency, and this land has been set up as a land of freedom, a beacon to all the world. The war over agency, far from being decided in the past, rages today, with government being a primary front in the battle. The price of failure, whether failure to maintain and restore the institutions that safeguard our political freedom or failure in relation to our eternal salvation, is terrible. It is no wonder that the First Presidency sounded such a clear warning about it.



P.S. I'm so glad you stopped by to read about the adventures at our house! If you want more, "Like" my blog on Facebook to get posts (and the articles n things I wish I had time to blog about) in your feed. Wanna see all the projects and ideas that I may or may not get around to? Follow me on Pinterest. Thanks for stopping by!

24 June 2013

On Nullification

I love Facebook. I keep in contact with my family better than I would without it. I have reconnected with people that I lost track of, and I love seeing how they are doing. And I do politics on Facebook. Conversations there have been key to my learning. Typically, conversations with people who think I'm completely, absolutely wrong are the ones that I find most profitable. I'm learning to write clearly, to distill my argument to its core, and communicate it as concisely as possible, and these things are tremendously valuable. I owe a debt of gratitude to those folks that keep coming back, in spite of our mutual frustration, to tell me how wrong I am.


Used by permission.
I've been at it again this weekend. The 10th Amendment Center posted about Alaska recently enacting a law nullifying all unconstitutional gun control laws. It's pretty awesome, actually. Wish my State was doing that, but it's not likely any time soon. I shared their graphic (left) and said, "I love it when people not only talk like we have a Constitutionally limited government, but act like it. Gives me hope."

Pretty predictably, I was challenged on it. Nullification makes several of my friends uncomfortable, and no wonder. It's completely outside of the usual "three branches of government with checks and balances" line that we're taught in school. In fact, to really understand it, you have to take the usual understanding of our government and toss it. This is an OK thing to do, because the usual story bears only a superficial resemblance to what things are supposed to be like under our Constitution. But it can be an uncomfortable thing to do. (It can also be exhilarating; there are reasons why America became known as "the land of opportunity.")

So my friend asks me:

I thought Fed trumped State.... thing is, what if you live in a state that hates you or your lifestyle? Move? What if a state seeks to infringe a right?


Good and legitimate questions. I did my best to answer them. I am still very much a student of the Constitution, but I've put some time in on this particular topic.

The federal does trump State. BUT. Only in the specific and limited areas where the Fed is authorized to act. Otherwise, not only is it the State all the way, but federal interference is actually a violation of our highest law. The Supremacy Clause is so misunderstood. Have a look:


This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.  
US Constitution, Article VII

It's the often over-looked phrase "laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof" that makes the limit, particularly in light of the 10th Amendment, which explicitly states that all powers not otherwise explained are reserved, placing them squarely outside federal jurisdiction.


The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

US Constitution, Tenth Amendment


Since Congress has a very short list of legitimate powers, there are many areas where States ought to be doing exactly what ALaska is doing here. And many areas of law that desperately need to be nullified. People like to paint nullification as a radical thing, but what do they expect? That the States should roll over and let the Feds walk all over them and usurp authority they were never intended to have? That's what usually happens. That's how the federal government got so overgrown. And it is likely that the process greatly accelerated with the passing of the 17th Amendment, when we switched to direct election of Senators.

In our nation's beginning, and to a certain extent still, there were two types of checks on the growth of the federal government: the horizontal checks, among the three branches that you hear so much about, but there are also vertical checks on its growth that arise through the State-federal interaction. It used to be that, because the States were responsible for the selection of Senators, they had a lot more pull; the Senator that allowed too much federal usurpation would find himself explaining to the very folks that felt the loss first: the State legislature that lost power in proportion to the federal gains. Behavior that tended to make the federal government grow more powerful would also tend to put the Senators that supported it out of a job, thus discouraging federal overreach. Whatever else it did, changing the way we select our Senators effectively booted the State governments, as entities, from the table, stripping them of voice or vote in the federal process. It dramatically shifted the balance of power away from local self-government and towards a powerful central government.

The federal government was never intended to be a powerful national government; if they had tried to sell that kind of agreement, ratification would never have happened. In fact, one of the Anti-Federalist talking points was that the Constitution created a national government, and thus should be quickly rejected. The Federalists were adamant that this is not the case, the Constitution creates a confederacy only, with the Federal government only functioning in a specific, narrow role. The States had recourse, through their election of Senators. Should the federal attempt to do what they ought not, the States could require the Senate to vote against it to check the action. When we switched to direct election of Senators, we crippled that vertical check, and Nullification took on an importance all out of proportion to what it would have originally had.

But even so, Nullification was a mainstream thing, early in our history. The Sedition Act, which was passed by Congress and signed by John Adams, established stiff fines and jail time for speaking and publishing things critical of the Federal government. Jefferson strongly opposed the law.


The judiciary was, for Jefferson, certainly not the answer to such problems. For one thing, the Supreme Court in his day was packed with Federalists who would surely have upheld the constitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts. For another, the Supreme Court was itself a branch of the federal government, and thus not an impartial arbiter. And finally, the judiciary was composed of human beings no different from the rest of mankind. "To consider the Judges of the Supreme Court as the ultimate Arbiters of Constitutional questions," he argued, "would be a dangerous doctrine which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy. They have with others, the same passion for party, for power, and for privileges of their corps -- and their power is the more dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as other functions are, to the Elective control. The Constitution has elected no single Tribunal. I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves."

Nullification, by Thomas Wood, Page 45



The problem of federal overreach, in the case of the Alien and Sedition Acts in gross violation of the 1st Amendment, was one that caused considerable discussion. Jefferson and Madison had considerable correspondence, and Jefferson drafted some resolutions that got passed around quite a bit, eventually becoming the basis of the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798:
 

1. Resolved, That the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited sumission to their general [federal] government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they consituted a general government for special purposes -- delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force: that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral part, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and means of redress. [Emphasis added]  
(Nullification, Page 47; emphasis in the book.)


 For me, understanding Nullification required a whole new way of looking at the US. So many days we recited in school, "...One nation, under God, indivisible..." but that is not an accurate representation of what the Founders created or the People ratified when we adopted the Constitution. The old documents refer to "these united States" as often as they do "United States," and it's never the United States. They didn't solidify 13 colonies into a single nation, they created a permanent alliance - a confederacy - among 13 independent nations. They didn't do away with the State governments because the vast majority of governance took place at the State level, with primarily foreign interactions (both peaceful and hostile) in mind for the powers delegated to the federal government, though there are a few items intended to regulate - that is, make regular, in the usage of the time - the interactions between the member States. 

The federal government was never intended to be a giver of gifts or a righter of wrongs. Its legitimate scope is extremely limited, with the vast bulk of governance [supposed to be] left to the discretion of the individual State. So, what if your State doesn't like your lifestyle? You can see the answer to that question in slavery. Some places allowed it, some didn't. Certainly that was a way of life to those who practiced it, however distasteful it is to us now. If you don't like the laws in your State you can work to see them changed, or yes, you do have the option of leaving. My husband and I have discussed leaving our State for exactly that reason, more than once. The idea is all the more appealing since we have little hope of effecting the change we'd like to see. We look at things like homeschooling laws and gun laws when we are considering a place in order to get a feel for the laws in the place we're considering. It's certainly not the only thing we consider, but it is a factor. It would take an Act of God to make me move to California because their laws are so hostile to freedom. I want nothing to do with the place. But they have the right of self-governance, and can be like that if they want. 

Certainly some can be done with limiting the Feds by sending the right sort to represent us in DC. But it is also perfectly legitimate to expect that the State will require the federal government to stay within, or at this point it will more often be to return to the limits set forth for it. And those limits, until changed by an authentic act of the People through the amendment process, are the supreme law of the land.

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